Yasser Khalil

مدونة تضم بعض اعمال الباحث والصحافي المصري ياسر خليل.

2011-02-24

الإسلام ومستقبل الثورات العربية الجديدة


لا بد من طرح السؤال التالي: لماذا يساعد الغرب الدكتاتوريات العربية؟ ربما الجواب يكمن في قبوله لتلك الدكتاتوريات مقارنة بخطاب إسلامي متطرف يردده البعض من دون تفكير.


ميدل ايست أونلاين

بقلم: ياسر خليل

آخر ما نحتاج إليه في بلداننا العربية هو حشد العالم ضدنا في هذه المرحلة الحرجة من تاريخنا. فالشعوب في مصر وتونس وليبيا والبحرين واليمن – وربما تلحق بهم بلدان عربية أخرى – قدمت من أبنائها شهداء ومصابين وتحملت مصاعب جمة أملا في غد أفضل.

وبينما نحن منغمسون في ثورات وتظاهرات ومراحل انتقالية حاسمة هذه الأيام، يتابعنا العالم عن كثب وبقلق إلى حد يفوق توقعاتنا، ويرصد اتجاهاتنا لحظة بلحظة.

في الغرب بشكل خاص تتصاعد المخاوف من مستقبل العرب بعد أن اسقط الثوار حليفين مقربين للولايات المتحدة وأوروبا، وهما الرئيسين المخلوعين: المصري حسني مبارك، والتونسي زين العابدين بن علي.

ويتبنى بعض الساسة والأشخاص المقربين من دوائر صنع القرار في أوروبا وأميركا وجهة نظر مفادها أن الحركات الإسلامية التي تعتمد تفسيرا متطرفا للدين ستسيطر على مقاليد الحكم إذا ما أجريت انتخابات ديمقراطية حرة.

ويستغل اصحاب هذا الطرح حالة رجل يدعى سيد موسي في أفغانستان ينتظر تطبيق حكم بإعدامه بعد أن تحول من الإسلام إلى المسيحية، ليقولوا إن "هذا هو الإسلام"، وشريعته لو طبقت ستكره الناس على إتباعه، ولن تسمح بحرية الاعتقاد، ولن تحترم حقوق الإنسان.

ويغيب عن تلك الجدالات السياسية آراء منشورة لعلماء مسلمين مرموقين أكدوا أن الإسلام لا يبيح قتل من يتركه، ولا يكره أحدا على اعتناقه، لان الصوت الأكثر ارتفاعا والذي يثير الانتباه والقلق في آن هو صوت التطرف.

إذا ما يحدث في أفغانستان وغيرها من الأماكن الخاضعة لسيطرة رجال دين يعتمدون تفسيرات متطرفة، يترجم على انه هذا هو الإسلام، ولان العرب هم من حملوا هذه الدعوة إلى أرجاء العالم فهم محط الأنظار خاصة في هذه المرحلة.

وحساسية الأمر تكمن في انه ليس متعلقا بالغرب فحسب، نحن نتحدث عن رؤية أكثر من 5 مليارات إنسان غير مسلم لنا كمسلمين، فالعالم الآن بلغ تعداده نحو 6.7 مليارات نسمة، منهم قرابة 1.6 مليار فقط مسلمون.

وهو ما يطرح سؤالا: كيف تبدو علاقتنا كمسلمين بثلاثة أرباع سكان كوكب الأرض؟ بالنظر إلى ما يجري في العديد من بلدان العالم سنمسك بأول خيط للإجابة على هذا السؤال الهام.

على سبيل المثال لا الحصر هناك نماذج متفاوتة من التوترات بين المسلمين وغيرهم: انظر لما يحدث في الصين ضد أقلية الايغور المسلمة، وما يجري بين مسلمي الشيشان وروسيا، وما وقع من مصادمات طائفية في بورما، وتايلاند، والبوسنة والهرسك، ونيجيريا، وإثيوبيا، وكذلك السودان الذي اختار سكانه الجنوبيون مؤخرا الانفصال عن شماله.

بإضافة النماذج السابقة وغيرها إلى ما يطلق عليه "الصدام التاريخي بين الإسلام والغرب"، سنكتشف أن علاقتنا بأغلب سكان العالم متوترة بطريقة أو بأخرى، وهذا يطرح سؤالا ثانيا لا يقل أهمية، وهو: لما هذا التوتر الاستثنائي؟ وأقول استثنائيا لأنه لا تواجه أي عقيدة دينية أخرى مثيلا له في العصر الحديث.

الإجابات التقليدية المطروحة غير كافية، حيث تركز على العلاقة الإسلامية الغربية دون تفسير شامل لسبب التوتر بين المسلمين وغيرهم في مجتمعات متباينة في معتقداتها، وثقافتها، وسياساتها، ومواقعها الجغرافية.

إذا كنا نرغب في الوصول لحلول جدية، خاصة في هذه المرحلة الحرجة التي تمر بها بلداننا العربية، وهو ما سيكون له تأثير كبير على المسلمين بأغلبياتهم وأقلياتهم في شتي بقاع الأرض، يجب أن نتخلص من المنطلق الذي ظللنا نندفع منه لعقود وربما لقرون، وهو أننا مستهدفون، وأننا ضحايا لمؤامرات ضدنا.

ويجب أن نسأل أنفسنا بصراحة: لماذا لا ننعم بعلاقات طبيعية مع العالم؟ ولماذا يهتم الغرب بتنصيب ودعم نظم ديكتاتورية تقبع على أنفاسنا وتعرقل تقدمنا؟ ولماذا هو قلق الآن من احتمال صعود الإسلاميين عبر انتخابات حرة ونزيهة؟

والإجابة حسبما اعتقد بقوة هي أننا لم نسمح بان ننظر لأنفسنا - ولو لمرة واحدة - على أننا نمثل تهديدا محتملا للعالم حين نحمل فكرا متطرفا أو غير متوافق مع عصرنا الحديث، وان بعض البلدان والفئات القلقة تعمل بدورها على احتواء أو قمع هذا التهديد المحتمل قبل أن يتحقق ويصبح واقعا كارثياً بالنسبة لها.

وليس عيبا أو حراما أن نعيد مراجعة فهمنا للإسلام وفقا للمعطيات الجديدة للعصر الذي نعيش فيه، ونخرج بفكر يتوافق مع جوهر الدين، ثم نعمل جاهدين على إقناع أترابنا الذين يستخدمون تفسيرات متطرفة بما توصلنا إليه من فهم للدين، ونستخدم شتى الطرق - المتعارف عليها والمبتكرة – لطمأنة العالم من أننا كمسلمين لا نمثل تهديدا، وأننا نشارك بايجابية ونمثل إضافة للحضارة الإنسانية.

قد يكون هذا الكلام مؤلما بعض الشيء ويصعب على النفس البشرية أن تتقبله، وما يضاعف التمنع ويقوي جبهة الرفض، أن الكثير من المسلمين لا يفصلون بين أفكارهم وفهمهم الشخصي للإسلام وبين الدين (القرآن والسنة)، ويعتبرون أي نقد أو هجوم على قناعات أو تفسيرات رجال الدين الذي يفضلونهم، هجوما مباشرا على دين الله.

وعلى سبيل المثال - وهذه مجرد محاولة للتفكير - لو نظرنا إلى الفتوحات الإسلامية التي لازال قطاع غير قليل من المسلمين يحلمون بتحققها مجددا، نظرا لأنها تمثل مرحلة ينظر إليها اغلب المسلمين على أنها كانت جهادا في سبيل الله لنشر الدعوة الإسلامية، هذا المفهوم يحتاج إلى مراجعة جادة تتوافق مع واقعنا.

فهذه الفتوحات حسبما افهمها وفقا لقول بعض العلماء، جاءت لتوصيل الدعوة لكل الناس في العالم، ولحماية معتنقي الدين الجديد من بطش الرافضين له، ولم تكن تلك الفتوحات تهدف إلى نشر الدين بحد السيف كما حاول البعض تصويرها.

في العصر الحديث هل نحن بحاجة إلى فتوحات مماثلة؟ بالطبع لا، فالقنوات الفضائية ووسائل الاتصال المتعددة تمكنك من إرسال دعوتك إلى كل مكان في الأرض، وما دام الدين ليس بالإكراه، فليؤمن بها من يريد، وليتركها من يشاء.

واعتقد أن الإسلام هو أول من حمى مبدأ حرية الاعتقاد، لأنه أراد بفتوحاته أن يبلغ رسالته، ويحمي من يعتنقها، دون إجبار احد على تغيير دينه. وإذا كان الدين كذلك فكيف لنا اليوم أن نبدو وكأننا ضد هذا الحق الإنساني الأصيل، فالله سبحانه وتعالى لم يجبر احد على الإيمان به في الدنيا، فكيف لإنسان أن يجبر غيره على اعتناق دين ما دون اقتناع.

نحن بحاجة إلى مراجعات فكرية تعتمد على جوهر الدين، وتأخذ في حسبانها ما نعيشه اليوم. وكذلك علينا أن نعمل دون توقف لرفض كل ما يشوه صورتنا كمسلمين من تصرفات تعتمد على فهم متطرف للإسلام، لان هذا يؤثر على المسلمين حاضرا ومستقبلا في كل مكان من العالم. ونحن كعرب لابد أن نتحرك فورا حتى لا يتم إجهاض ثوراتنا التي قمنا بها من اجل حياة أفضل وأكثر كرامة.

2011-02-15

I Protested for Freedom



by Yasser Khalil
February 16, 2011
A participant in the protests in Tahrir Square looks at the future of freedom in Egypt.
On January 25th, my fellow Egyptian journalists and I thought we would be covering another failed protest. I ended up in front of the High Court where hundreds of policemen surrounded the protesters. A crowd of people were watching the protest from behind a police barricade on the other side of the street. One of the protesters started to chant “One!.. Two!.. Where are the people of Egypt?!” As the crowd began repeating his chant, something unexpected happened. The people who were watching the demonstration pushed the soldiers and tens of them crossed the street and came to join those of us in the protest. For the first time in decades, demonstrators could break the security siege and stand together in the streets of Cairo. The streets shook with the cry “Freedom, Freedom.”

The question that now hangs over Egypt is whether real freedom is possible, or whether the country inevitably will fall under authoritarian control or the rule of Islamic extremists. As an Egyptian and as a devout mainstream Muslim who chose to participate in the protests, I believe that the answer is, emphatically, “Yes.”

It is both necessary and possible for Egypt to steer a course between both political authoritarianism and an extremist interpretation of Islam that would hinder our transition to liberal democracy and would reject freedom of expression, freedom of religion, and equality and dignity for all people regardless of their beliefs or races.

The future of religious freedom was a central concern for many who looked warily on the demonstrations. Many Egyptian Christians, for example, initially rejected the protests. However, the attitude of many of these Christians changed when they saw the Quran and the Cross rise together in Tahrir Square in Cairo. This change was beautifully demonstrated when Christian protesters guarded their Muslims counterparts while Muslims were praying and the Muslims did the same for the Christians. Where I stood in Tahrir Square, now called by many “Liberation Square,” I saw Egypt’s two major religious groups protect each other from the bloody and deadly attacks of Mubarak’s thugs.

There are several factors supporting the hypothesis that Egypt after Mubarak will not be ruled by a religious regime. The vast majority of Egyptians are Sunni, and unlike Shiite Muslims they do not follow a single interpretive body. Instead of having loyalty to one Islamic figure or group, they rely on usually moderate interpretations of the Quran and Sunna (the instructions and behavior of the Prophet Mohammed).

What had made the Muslim Brotherhood the most influential opposition group in Egypt during Mubarak’s era was that Mubarak blocked, denigrated, and even imprisoned all non-religious political parties and figures who could have been viable alternatives to Mubarak. At the same time Mubarak was relatively tolerant of the political Islamic movement in Egypt. He did this because the Islamic movement gave him a bogeyman with which he could threaten any country that pushed for real democratic reforms.

Another factor that gave the Muslim Brotherhood the power to appear as the only alternative to Mubarak’s regime was that the vast majority of Egyptians are not involved in politics. Therefore the Brotherhood was the only organized alternative. There is no accurate count of its members, but some experts estimated that the number ranges between 500,000 and 1 million, while the permitted parties have just a few tens, hundreds, or thousands of active members.

Given the relative insignificance of the membership of the Muslim Brotherhood compared to the 40 million Egyptians who are eligible to vote in elections, there is cause for cautious optimism that Egyptians will be able to steer another course. It is worth noting that about 10% of Egypt’s population (of 83 million) is Christian, and these people would have strong reasons to vote against an Islamist party.

It is also important to consider that in Egypt there are many different Sunni Muslim religious organizations and movements which are not part of the Muslim Brotherhood and which are not involved in politics. These other Muslim currents vary in their interpretations of Islam, and many disagree with the Brotherhood’s vision of Islam. These theological differences are likely to be expressed politically.

Though Egyptians admittedly have little experience with democratic institutions, I can testify to the fact that many Egyptians keenly desire to build a vibrant, liberal civic space and would work to avoid the creation of a religious state.

It is crucial that the pro-democracy activists move quickly to engage the population and gain support in parliamentary and presidential elections, and that they spread liberal principles in the society through media, public events, and face-to-face encounters. Liberal youth also need to work quickly and with perseverance, both through social networks and on the ground.

In the near term, Egyptians must focus on reintroducing global values, including a return to the roots of meaning in the values of a healthy secularism, freedom of religion, and freedom of expression. We need to help the population at large understand that these values don’t threaten religion, but rather they provide a foundation upon which to build a better society which can hold within it diversity and differences in a peaceful manner.

The mid-term focus needs to be on education and critical thinking. Developing open-minded generations will help in securing a better future for Egypt. Because of three decades of Western support for Mubarak’s authoritarian regime, there is a deep and abiding feeling that Westerners do not want Egypt to progress, that they wish Egypt to remain dependent on U.S. aid. Learning that the West is not against the progress of the Egyptian people will open hearts and minds to Western values.

Fostering an environment of hatred of the West and Western allies helped Mubarak blame his failures on the “hidden hand” of the West. When Egyptians come to see that Mubarak’s regime covered up its faults by promoting false information about supposed “Western plots” against Egypt, attitudes towards many values that have been labeled as “Western,” including freedom of speech, association, and religion, may shift. Egypt’s future is uncertain, but it should give cautious hope to all lovers of freedom.

Yasser Khalil is a researcher and journalist in Cairo, Egypt who participated in the “January 25” protests. He is an alumnus of the Witherspoon Institute’s 2009 Islam and Civil Society Seminar.

http://www.thepublicdiscourse.com/2011/02/2591

Muslims and Christians together in a new Egypt



Cairo - The recent protests in Egypt that led to the resignation of President Hosni Mubarak, and their political ramifications, have been covered extensively in the media. But stories of Christian-Muslim solidarity have not been broadcast as widely, and they deserve to be.

During the protests, Christians stood in a circle around Muslims during their Friday prayers to protect them from police. And last Monday, Muslims stood around Christians in Tahrir Square as they conducted mass, and joined them in prayer for those who were injured or died in the protests.

Prior to the demonstrations, there was a growing fear in Egypt that tensions between Muslims and Christians would escalate and culminate in violence, especially in light of recent attacks that targeted Christians in the region, the latest of which was the bombing of a church in Alexandria on New Year’s Eve that killed 23 people.

To prevent such violence from reoccurring, Egyptians began to mobilise through a new online initiative called “An Internet Free of Sectarian Strife”, launched by Amr Khaled, who is described by The New York Times as “the world's most famous and influential Muslim television preacher.” He began the initiative in January after he saw how the Internet was being used to disseminate rumors and agitate tensions between Muslims and Christians in the country.

Word of the initiative spread quickly, and it has proven very popular among Egyptian youth primarily because of Khaled’s huge following in the country. The roots of this initiative began with his lectures in 1998, after years of terrorist incidents claimed the lives of innocent people and religious bigotry began spreading among groups that were adopting extremist interpretations of Islam.

Many have found messages of balance and harmony in the young, dynamic preacher’s rhetoric, which are all too rare in other speakers’ lectures. Between 2000 and 2002, his lectures – mainly about tolerance in Islam – were being attended by audiences of 35,000. Today, his Facebook page has around two million friends and his lectures are watched by millions across the Muslim world.

It is clear that youth are playing a key role in the initiative’s implementation and development.

The “Internet Free of Sectarian Strife” initiative features prominently on Khaled’s website (amrkhaled.net), which receives around two million visitors every month. Many Egyptian youth have replaced their Facebook profile photo with the initiative’s logo, a cross within a crescent. Other websites and forums from around the region have also included the logo on their websites to promote the campaign.

The initiative’s main partners are influential media outlets in Egypt and the Arab world, including the Egyptian OTV television station and the news outlet Seventh Day, both owned by a leading Copt businessman, Naguib Sawiris; the United Copts website, which is managed by a group of Copts living in the United States and has an influential presence in Egypt; and the OnIslam.net website, which is managed by IslamOnline.net, a well-known Islam-focused outlet; as well as many youth-oriented Egyptian websites.

These partners identified ten basic items that they hope will become “rules for internet users and a code of honour for Internet media outlets to abide by.” The rules are to not use the following: blanket generalisations, foul language; rumours without credible sources, sarcasm, videos that could enflame tensions and violent or hateful fatwas (non-binding legal opinions). The rules also encourage words of peace and compassion, respect for others’ faith and disagreement with ideas, but respect for individuals. Finally, partners have agreed that users should never post their opinions while angry.

This initiative is promising and could lead to improved Muslim-Christian relations in Egypt. However, the core solution lies in addressing the problems that create such tension in the first place.

Some solutions that can be enacted on the national level include: allowing all citizens the right to build houses of worship, amending school curricula to promote religious freedom, ensuring that authorities handle conflicts between members of different religions according to the law as opposed to bias based on political alliances and ensuring equal opportunity in the workplace regardless of a person’s religious beliefs.

Khaled’s positive initiative is an important first step to address the core causes of extremism that lead to sectarian tension. The solidarity amongst Muslims and Christians during the recent protests shows that both groups can overcome divisions, and offers new hope that coexistence and religious equality can be the foundation of a new Egypt.

###

* Yasser Khalil is an Egyptian researcher and journalist. This article was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).


http://www.commongroundnews.org/article.php?id=29300&lan=en&sp=0

Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 15 February 2011, www.commongroundnews.org
Copyright permission is granted for publication.

2011-02-08

Egypt Tends to Liberty

For the first time in decades demonstrators could break the security siege and run together in the streets of Cairo without any planed direction, says Yasser Khalil.

8-2-2011 Middle East Online

A lot of Egyptians cheered when they heard that some of the most controversial leaders of the National Democratic Party (NDP) - including President Hosni Mubarak's son Gamal - have resigned in the 12th day of the Egyptian uprising. Today Egypt is close to change more than any time before. Which direction Egypt is going to? My guess is that it's going to liberty.

May the developments of that revolt are important and can give some indicators about where Egypt will go after Mubarak. In the morning of January 25 2011 - which activists named it "the Day of Anger" - I went to the Syndicate of Journalists (Down Town – Cairo) aiming to join the unique day that meets the annual Festival of Police.

Down Town streets were nearly empty, a few number of police soldiers beside the presidential palace of Abdeen, and a lot of police vehicles and soldiers in Tahrir square. No demonstration in front of the syndicate as it was expected.

When I asked some colleague journalists: will you join the demonstrations if organized? No one said yes, except one, they were managing to cover them, and they expressed their fears because of the strict threats that the Ministry of Interior declared.

After a short time we heard about two demonstrations, one of them was squeezed by police inside the Syndicate of Lawyers, the second was in front of the High Court which has dozen of protesters and hundreds of police men surrounding them, we joined this one, it was frustrating as usual till the surprise happened.

Tens of people were watching the protest on the other side of the street, and the police was blocking them. Suddenly, one of the protesters started to chant "1.. 2.. where are the people of Egypt" and all of us were repeating after him, an unexpected behavior happened; the people who were watching the demonstration pushed the soldiers and tens of them crossed the street and came to join us.

For the first time in decades demonstrators could break the security siege and run together in the streets of Cairo without any planed direction, police forces tried many times to control the march, all the demonstration was chanting in shaking voice "Freedom, Freedom", it was the main demand of all of us. The same streets that we used to walk in seemed more beautiful, the air was full of freedom smell.

Now no political group can claim that the upheaval as its own. The gap between protesters and opponent groups manifested when the opposition leaders decided to ease their demands and start talks with the prime president Omar Suleiman, while tens of thousands of Muslims and Christians were praying in Tahrir square (Cairo) for the martyrs of that uprising, and insist that Mubarak has to resign. The link between opposition and citizen is nearly broken.

To continue our way towards democracy and freedom, it's important that broken links have to be fixed; the liberal figures have to go to the protesters and everywhere in Egypt to promote their visions for modern Egypt where people can live in equity, justice, dignity and have the right of expression without any fears.

Muslim Brotherhood has given good indications that they are open minded and can understand the situation of Egypt, and they promised that they will not run for presidency.

Here are two evidences that Egyptians tend to liberty when they live in real freedom. The first: in Facebook and Twitter, the liberal voices are nearly dominating. The second: in the current protests, the vast majority of participants are liberal and have no ideologies.

However it's like a race between different powers and visions to win the citizens who became the main power in Egypt after the Lotus Uprising.

Yasser Khalil is a researcher and journalist from Egypt.